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GENERAL EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE 


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CITY OF NEW-YORK 


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PEOPLE OF THE UNITED STATES 


Ourselves our own Sovereigns.”— Ourselves, 
Place none but Americans on guard to-night. 


■W ASEINGTCff. 


KEW-YORK 


No. 33 Asn-stkeet. 































MEMBE23 or THE GENERAL ESEOUTIT’E OOI4MITTEB OP THE AMERICAN 
EEPCRLIOAN PARTY OF THE CITY OF BTEW-YOB&. 


JOHN LLOYD, President. 

Lora Nash, Vice-President. 

Wm. L. Prall, Recording Secretary. 

CORRESPONDING COMMITTEE. 

S. H. Stuart, Chairman, 84 Frankfort-6treei. 

William L. Prall, 94 Alien-street. 

Isaac S. Smith, 384 Broome-street. 

William F. Piatt, 232 Canal-street. 

Jonas Humbert, jr., 145 Bowery. 

James C. Forrester, Corresponding Secretary , 232 Bleecfcer-sfc. 


NAMES OF THE MEMBERS. 


1st Ward. Lora Nash, 8 Pearl-9t. 

^ P.duriird Primo I Rpon 


10th Ward. Jonas Humbert, jr., 145 Bowery. 

“ William T. Prm Q4 


Edward Prime, 1 Broadway. 
Asa B. Perkins, 45 Broadway, 


William L. Prall, 94 Allon-st. 
Pardon Lapham, 175 Bowery. 


2d Ward. George Seeley, 339 Pearl-st. 

A. G. Thompson, jr.,83 Beekman-st. 
“ Edw. C. Boughton, 53 Beekman-st. 
3d Ward. John Lloyd, Pres’t, 233 Fulton-st. 


11th Ward. James R. Sparrow, 219 Sevonth-st. 


Benj. Perrine, 119 Columbia-st. 
Thomas Hogan, 2QS Stantou-st. 


12th Ward. Wm. Baker, corner 8th Avenue an! 


” '' 111 * Ul Uj U j A 1 Lj wv/'J A UHtllJ ~o 1 

Edmund B. Tuttle, 32 Chapol-st, 
Cornwall S. Roe, 91 Warren-st. 


Forty-so venth-st. 

John Meggs, 129th-st. between 4tk 


and 5th Avenues. 

John B. Morrell, 3d Av. near SIstst 


4th Ward. Joseph Hufty, 319 Pearl-st. 

“ Sydney II. Stuart, 84 Frankfort-st. 
“ Ephraim L. Snow, 446 Pearl-st. 


13th Ward. Eli Leavitt, 468 Grand, cor. SherifE, 

** -Trikn li DAnnia 


IJ |llii A Li. tJ i I U tV | i 10 A b'Xl l" 8 l. 

5th Ward. James A. Morton, 198 1-2 Chapel-st. 

Geo. W. Morton, 103 1 2 Chapel-st. 
Stephen Reed, 27 Lispenard-st. 

6th Ward. Ab’m Florentine, 59 Mulberry-st. 

** ("llvnrlaa S.-'L a r 1 Pan rl.at 


John B. Dennis, 123 Grand-st. 
John F. Trow, 16 Colnmbia-st. 


14th Ward. William S. Ross, 296 Centre-st. 


Benjamin U. Theall, 186 Grand-st. 
Isaac S. Smith, 334 Broomo-st. 


Charles Sshroeder, 531 Pearl-st. 
William Kirk, 143 Walker-st. 


15th Ward. James C. Forrester, 292 Bleecker-»t - 

^ An Irow (1 YVhnf'lur. Rlirn Hfith -fit. 


7tb Ward. Adam G. Ransom, 193 Honry-st. 

Abraham Tucker, 55 E. Broadway. 
Thomas E. Sutton, 129 Henry-st. 
8th Ward. William F. Piatt, 232 Canal-st. 

Hart B. Weed, 139 Spring-st. 
Stephen Hyde, 110 Wooster-st. 

Sth Ward. Benj. S. Whitney. 89 Bedford st. 

Oliver T. Wardell, 259 Bleecker-st. 


Andrew C. Wheeler, 238 Elir.abeth-et. 
Robert II. Taylor, 220 Sullivan-st. 


16th Ward. Theo. Nimms, 217 Third Avenue. 

“ J. Kelly, Treas. 208 West 19th-st. 

M Joseph B. Stansbury, 3d Aveaue, ou« 
door below 34th-st. 

17th Ward. Benjamin Merritt, 163 Suftolk-st. 

M Horatio P. Alien, 129 Tenth-st. 


** John H. Dayton, 695 Woshingtoa-st. “ Walter Briggs, 191 Ninth-et. 


N.B.—The General Executive Committee of the American Republican Party 
of the City of Now-York will at all times readily afford such documents and 
information as shall be in their power, to either individuals or associations 
throughout the country. 

Address (post paid) either of the Corresponding Committee,. 


T EJ 



ADDRESS. 


Americans, Countrymen and Friends: 

We have arrived at a period in the existence of our nation, at ait 
era in the Political History and Civil Economy of our Government, 
more pregnant with weal or wo to the Institutions of our Land, than 
ever awaited the fate of the Republics of antiquity, or any of the freer 
countries of Modern Europe. Time or circumstance has never be¬ 
fore suspended over the destinies of any government so certain and 
serious evils as now threaten the future prosperity of our nation, and 
the consequent welfare of our people. And the final, fatal ultimate of 
all which, can only be arrested by the immediate, firm, and uncom¬ 
promising ACTION of the Great American Republican People . 
These evils are of a deep and subtle character, silent in their opera¬ 
tion, accumulating in their nature, and of an order alike with those 
from which the liberal governments of the Old World have gone to 
ruin. The time has arrived when these evils have assumed such a 
magnitude as to alarm the sentinels of our free institutions, and arouse 
the guardians of our civil rights. The People—the great American 
People, have awoke to the dangers with which their sacred legacy of 
Liberty is surrounded, and determined to vindicate their rights, and 
perpetuate their civil and religious institutions. 

Under such circumstances, and with these views, the General Ex¬ 
ecutive Committee of the American Republican Party of the City of 
New-York, desirous that the citizens, native and adopted, not only 
of our own City and State, but of the whole United States, 
should be fully and truly acquainted with the principles which we 
entertain, have herewith published a brief exposition of our po¬ 
litical Faith and Creed —so far as seems at present to be demanded. 
This manner of giving a greater and more reliable publicity to so 
much of our policy and purpose as is herein contained, has been re¬ 
sorted to for the reason, that, the partizan papers and political dema¬ 
gogues of the adverse parties of the day, have resorted to almost every 
means by which to falsify our measures, and impugn our motives. 
The object and end of their unwarrantable opposition, is to antici¬ 
pate and prejudice the reception of our principles by those of our fel¬ 
low-citizens, who have never yet been correctly advised of what our 
measures are, and in what manner and respect we differ from the 
other political bodies of the time. 

To those whose knowledge of the Political Creed of the American 
Republican Party is such only as has been obtained from our political 
foes, this paper is respectfully dedicated : and if, after reading it, it is 


4 


judged that our principles are not consistent with the good of our 
common country, and do not accord with the character of our people, 
and the genius of our institutions, no support is desired ; while, on the 
contrary, if they commend themselves to the true friends of our reli¬ 
gious, civil, and political institutions, as better worthy of their ap¬ 
proval and entertainment, than the cant professions of either of the 
other political parties, a support of these principles is earnestly solicited. 

The first, and probably most ostensible principle of the American 
Republican Party is, that the Naturalization Law r s should be so altered 
as to make it necessary for all persons of foreign birth to reside at least 
TWENTY-ONE YEARS in the United States, before they should be 
entitled to the privilege of the elective franchise —-that the right to 
naturalize should be held and exercised by the United States 
Courts only, —that no State, County or other Court, or Institution, 
should have power to confer citizenship upon the alien born ; and 
that, while the States have the right to make their own conditions 
respectively, upon which to franchise their citizens, yet no State shall 
have the power to confer the right to vote upon any of its inhabit¬ 
ants who may have been born without the United States, until after 
they shall have been naturalized under a Law of Congress, as above 
stated. If it be argued that States are sovereignties, and that Con¬ 
gress, under our present Constitution, cannot control the decision of 
any State as to whom of its inhabitants may or may not enjoy the 
elective franchise, we reply that then our Constitution must be 
amended in this particular matter. Even a eepeal of the Na¬ 
turalization Laws will not avail any thing so long as the several 
States exercise the power they now hold under the Constitution, 
which enables them to confer the right of franchise upon all persons 
of foreign birth, whether naturalized or not, entirely regardless of 
the time they may have been in the country. From this it will be 
seen, that while we may interpose a partial check to the evils of for¬ 
eign influence through our State Legislatures, yet our only true, com¬ 
plete, and final remedy is in such an amendment of the United States 
Constitution as shall take from the individual States the power to fran¬ 
chise aliens, until after they shall have been naturalized in the way 
and manner before stated. 

Let not this be considered too mighty a task to be accomplished — 
THERE IS NO OTHER ALTERNATIVE FOR US. We must to the WOrk at 
once, ever holding the character and necessity of the amendment to 
be of a thousand-fold sufficient importance to warrant the undertak¬ 
ing, justify the means, and secure the consummation. Let no Amer¬ 
ican, of whatever creed or party, who values the Institution of his 
birthright, and wishes to maintain inviolate the Liberty of his coun¬ 
try, withhold his hand from this important revision of that otherwise 
most perfect charter of our Freedom. 

The times are auspicious for the work! the great Public Pulse 


5 


beats high on the subject. Something must be done or our country 
is lost —and done, too, immediately. Delay but augments the task, 
already too herculean to perform for any other purpose than the 
salvation of the Institutions of our Land. Let every American free- 
man throughout the whole Union, who is now enjoying ihe life-bought 
independence of our country, reflect, resolve, and ACT upon this 
great subject as his own judgment may dictate, and his love of coun¬ 
try determine. 

An opinion is entertained by many that it is only necessary for 
Congress to extend the term of naturalization , whereby to prevent 
foreigners from voting until after a residence of twenty-one years in 
this country. This is a most serious mistake, as a careful reading of 
the preceding brief, but correct exposition of the matter must show. 
It must therefore be apparent to all, that our only true remedy 
against an undue interference with our institutions by the almost innu¬ 
merable masses of foreigners who are yearly brought to our country, is 
alone, First, in the extension of the term of naturalization from 
five, to twenty-one yeaks. Second, IN LIMITING THE power to natu¬ 
ralize to the United States Courts only : and,Third, in so amending 
the Constitution of the U. S. as to remove from the individual 
States the right to franchise any of their foreign-born inhab¬ 
itants, UNTIL AFTER THEY SHALL IT WE BEEN NATURALIZED. 

The American Republican Party—a party, the nucleus of whose 
formation is of little more than a year’s date; but the necessity of 
whose existence finds an earnest affirmation in the heart of every 
true American, and the future supremacy of whose position is now 
unalterably fixed, as a consequence made certain by the character of 
the cause, has entered upon a high and important work—a work 
comprising not only the task of directing and controlling the Laws, 
Rights, and Obligations of our Institutions, as they now exist, but also 
upon a more sacred and, we may add, necessary duly, which is fear¬ 
lessly to examine the “ whole body of our government,” and to intro¬ 
duce into it, with extreme prudence and care, all such reformations, of 
whatever character, as are, at this eventful period in our nation’s his¬ 
tory, indispensable to the perpetuity of the liberties, and productive 
of the future glory and welfare, of our people. And we desire here 
to state, that by such a resolution we do not mean to reflect in the 
least degree upon the wisdom anil patriotism of the immortal founders 
of our institutions, or upon the integrity and ability of those who 
have from time to time performed the duties of their administration; 
far, very far from it. We only wish to say, that time and circum¬ 
stances have created certain evils in our government, which the 
great wisdom of our fathers could not have anticipated, nor the'r 
devoted patriotism have foreseen ; and it is for the suppression of 
these evils, that some amendment in the fundamental laws of our 
government is absolutely necessary. These amendments may be 


6 


made without the least possible danger to our liberties; and without 
such amendments, there is serious cause to fear that the evils com¬ 
plained of, will ultimately produce an irreparable ruin to the whole 
great fabric of our government. 

Entertaining views and sentiments, upon which rests the necessity 
of these proposed amendments to the Constitution, the members of the 
American Ptepublican Party are charged by adverse political dema¬ 
gogues, not only with distant, unkind, and hostile feelings toward 
foreigners, but also with an effort to wrest from them their religious, 
civil, and political rights ; every charge of which is false. And it is 
as certainly true that a majoiity of those who make them, are, for selfish 
ends, foes to the real interest of this Government, or that they are 
hypocrites in their loud professions of regard for the foreigner’s rights. 

The members of the American Republican Party profess to be, 
and are, full as ready, and with a more honest purpose, to extend the 
hand of hearty welcome to all worthy foreigners who come among us, 
as the most ultra Whig or Democratic partizan, who, for party pur¬ 
poses, professes to be so regardful of the foreigner’s claims to political 
privileges. We are not the enemies of foreigners, nor unwilling to see 
them come to our country to live among us. We have no disposition 
whatever to proscribe them from the full and free exercise of all the 
privileges and advantages of our common country, which we ourselves 
enjoy; nor have we any desire to do violence to any of the civil or 
religious rights “ which the laws of nature and nature’s God entitle 
them to;” on the contrary, we are willing and anxious that all the 
blessings of our institutions, the full protection of our laws, and the 
favors of our political compact, shall be as fully, fairly, and freely ex¬ 
tended to those of foreign birth, as to the native-born. We are de¬ 
sirous that all the avenues to wealth, prosperity, and happiness, shall 
be as widely opened to them as to us; and that the individual rights, 
relations, and obligations of our social communities, shall be as kindly 
and scrupulously observed between foreigner and native, as between 
natives themselves. In a word, that we shall be one people , possessing 
and enjoying the same privileges, interests and rights, excepting only 
the privilege of the elective franchise , w hich it is proposed to with¬ 
hold from the foreigner until he has resided among us the term of 
twenty-one years. And this exception is made upon the conviction 
that the nature and character of our institutions absolutely forbid 
that they should be too soon , even in part, entrusted to the care and 
control of a class of persons wdio, though ever so honest and w r ell- 
disposed are of foreign birth , allegiance , prejudice , and political edu ¬ 
cation ; and who, as Jeffekson in his Notes on Virginia, truly ex¬ 
presses it, “ bring with them the principles of the government they 
leave, imbibed in early youth , and in proportion as they share with us 
in legislation, will infuse into it their spirit, warp and bias its direc¬ 
tions, and render it a heterogeneous , incolierent i distracted muss” 




We do not contend but that the foreign, as well as the native- 
born citizen has a right to participate in the legislation and adminis¬ 
tration of the laws that govern him ; but we do contend that the pecu¬ 
liar form and nature of our government require that that right should 
not be extended to the foreigner until he has resided among us, not 
only long enough to learn the letter of our Constitution and spirit of 
our laws, hut until he shall have had sufficient time completely and 
entirely to divest himself of all prejudice lor the government and 
country of his birth and education, and to have become so incorpo¬ 
rated with the genius of our institutions—so imbued with a love for 
our country, and so identified with the welfare and perpetuity of our 
government, as to be in spirit and in fact, as truly an American as 
though to the “ manor born,” Then, and not HU then, should the 
foreigner be privileged to take a part either in making or administer¬ 
ing the laws by which the people of this Country are governed. 

Not only do all the thoughtful and jealous native-born friends of 
our free institutions concur in this view of a foreigner’s rights and 
privileges, as they stand connected with our government , but also, to 
their honor, do a majority of the intelligent and well disposed of our 
foreign- born citizens. 

The members of the Convention who framed and signed the Con¬ 
stitution of these United States long and earnestly discussed the ques¬ 
tion relative to the time necessary for naturalization—many believing 
that the time should be specified in the Constitution ; and among those, 
there were none who contended for a less term than fourteen years, 
nor any for a greater than twenty-one ; while there was another part 
of the members who held that the whole matter should be left for the 
future decision of the people, they arguing that it was then desirable 
to populate this country as fast as possible; and as a greater means 
to that end, it would be the policy of Congress and the States, for the 
first few ensuing years only to make the term as brief as possible— 
leaving it in the power of the People, at any future time , to extend 
the term, as prudence and a jealous regard for the safety and perpe¬ 
tuity of the Republic might demand. 

Such, and such only, were the views and opinions held and ex¬ 
pressed by the sage authors of that mighty base upon which rests the 
whole fabric of our government. 

If violence be done the political rights of the foreigner by denying 
him the privilege of voting until after a residence in this country of 
twenty-one years, then also is the same violence, in principle, done 
him by a refusal of that right for five years; and if it be proscription 
to deny him eligibility to office under twenty-one years, how much 
greater is the wrong done him by a refusal altogether of an election 
to the Chief Magistracy of the Union, or to the Gubernatorial Chair 
of seven of the States of our confederation. 

Rut we affirm that in neither case is there any just right or en- 


8 


titled privileges withheld from the foreigner. The true science of poli¬ 
tics, with us, is hosed upon the great question from which the term, is 
derived, viz., the best policy of mainta ning and perpetuating our glo¬ 
rious republican form of government; and the elective franchise is 
the “ Inalienable Right ” of those, and those only, who, bp birth , 
education, and love of liberty, are prepared and disposed to exercise it 
to that, end. 

A distinguished historian, (Mach. Disc. 1, cap. vi.) in assigning a 
reason for the great duration of the Venetian Republic, says that 
“When they thought they were in sufficient numbers to maintain the 
commonwealth, they prevented all others who came anew to inhabit 
there, from taking part in the Government. This measure could be 
adopted and maintained without disturbance; because, when it was 
adopted, whoever then inhabited the state had a share in the admin¬ 
istration, of which no one could complain ; those who came afterward 
to dwell there, finding the state firmly established and the government 
settled, had neither cause nor opportunity for making disturbance. 
The cause did not exist, because nothing had been taken from them.” 

Is it presumed by any sane mind that there is one to the thousand 
of the emigrants to our shores from the four winds of heaven, who is in¬ 
duced here by the privilege afforded them under our laws of voting 
within a few years after they have arrived l No, they come to 
this western New World for more necessary purposes. They come 
to meliorate their condition in life—to enjoy the providence of a kinder 
nature, to partake of the bounties of a better land, and to realize the 
benefits of the just and equal laws of our country. To all these and 
every other benefit and blessing of our land and institutions, they are 
most welcome. We say to the impoverished, down-trodden, and 
iron*ruled people of every nation, kindred, and tongue on the earth, 
come to our great and bountiful country; come, be fed, be clothed, 
be free, be happy; enjoy, with gratitude to heaven, the blessings of 
our Free Institutions, leaving their charge alone to us, that we may 
inviolably preserve them alike for their children and for ours, and so 
pass them down the current tide of American generations, until the 
* evening vista of time shall lose them, and the morning lyre of Futu¬ 

rity pean their immortal qualities into the golden realms of man’s higher 
and better condition hereafter. 

There is one subject composing a part of the principles of this 
Party, on account of which they are most anxious to extend the lime 
of naturalization. We allude to the union of Church and State—or 
at least Religion and Politics. 

While this Party disclaims holding any more hostile feelings to¬ 
ward one System of Christian Faith as such , than toward another, 
still we are frank to confess, that, judging from the past history of a 
certain Church in all ages of the European world, and from the evi¬ 
dences of its character and purpose already exhibited in the United 


9 


States, tve are distrustful of the baneful influence it may exert over 
the politics of this country. It is not to be denied that we have among 
us a System of Religion which is inimical to Political liberty, and it 
must also be admitted, that in all the nations of Europe, where that 
System has been the predominant religion of the State, the Church 
has always assumed the whole direction and control of the govern¬ 
ment. It has ever claimed and exercised the right of being, at one 
and the same lime, the religious, civil, and political government of the 
people. 

If this be so,—and if. too, it be the proud boast of this Church that 
her principles, policy, and purpose have been , and ever will be the same, 
—and if, also, the most superficial observer can look back among 
the nations of the Old World and see ignorance , vice , ami superstition 
the peculiar characteristics of those people who have been crushed by 
the iron heel of her despotism, and who are still bending under the 
heavy hand of her Religious Oppression, is it not our bounden duty 
to use -every possible means that shall tend to protect our own happy 
country from the withering embrace of her baneful influence ? 

A large majority of the emigrants to our shores (from Church- 
Ruled Countries,) are the ignorant, superstitious, excrescent population 
of those nations, all of whom acknowledge their highest obligations 
to a Foreign Sovereign, and all obedient to the mandate of a corrupt 
4 ind designing priesthood ; and it is for this, among other reasons, that we 
are desirous of so amending the Naturalization Laws, as shall, in some 
degree at least, protect our Institutions from the direful influence of a 
Political Church, and our Elections from the control of Seclariaa 
Bishops. 

VVe again emphatically declare—and hope to be so understood 
by both Friend and Foe —that as a Political Party, we entertain 
no unfriendly feelings whatever toward any Religious Institution, dis¬ 
connected with the politics of our country, and which does not seek 
an alliance with matters of State; while, at the same time, we are 
at open hostility with any and all Religious Churches , Sects, and 
Denominations , of whatever name or character, that shall in any man* 
ner, or for any purpose , interfere with the political institutions of our 
land. 

If it be said that our acts accord not with our words,i • that we have 
only, as yet , i: assaulted one Denomination,”-—our reply is simply and 
briefly—that it is that “ Denomination” only, which has, as yet, given 
evidence of a serious interference with our civil polity, and of a de¬ 
sign, ultima ely, to control our political institutions. And we add, 
with the same regard for our country’s good, that, if any other sect of 
Christians shall as clearly evince a design to incorporate ecclesiastical 
tyranny with the government of this country, as we think the Church 
alluded to has, we shall as earnestly and uncompromisingly oppose the 
one as we do the other. 


/ 


10 


Our “ hostility” “proscription” “opposition” “ intoletation”-— 
(for such are the heresies with which we are charged)-—extend alike 
to any and all Churches and Sects, just so far as they, or aw;) of them, 
interfere with the civil or political matters of our Local, State, or 
General Government; but no further. Are we right , os are we 
vnrong ? Our sole object is to form a barrier high and eternal as the 
Andes, which shall forever separate I he Church from the State. While 
we regard the religion of the Bible as the only legitimate element 
©f civilized society, and the single basis of all good governinent, we 
are greatly opposed to the introduction of sectarian dogmas) into the 
science of our civil institutions, or the incorporation of Churdh creeds 
into the political compact of our government. 

We believe the Holy Bible, without sectarian note or comment, to 
he a most proper and necessary book, as well for our children)as our¬ 
selves, and w T e are determined that they shall not be deprived of it, 
either in, or out of school. We reverence and regard every religious 
institution of our great community, and are disposed to extend a free 
and impartial toleration to All. But while we do this, it should be— 
MUST be—upon the condition that they, or any of them, shall not 
interfere with the civil and political departments of City, State, or 
Union. As friends and guardians of our national liberty, we say to All 
religious sects and denominations, keep within your own legitimate 
sphere of action, which is infinitely above the pale of politics, and 
we, the American Republican Party, under the Constitution of our 
fathers,.stand pledged to tolerate, guard, and protect you all, even at 
the cost of home, country, and life. We, as a party, are the friends 
of ALL religious sects—the foe of NO denomination—nor the ally of 
ANY church. Let this be forever understood. 

And here we would recommend to the people of the whole 
Union, that an AMERICAN REPUBLICAN UNITED STATES 
CONVENTION, consisting of five delegates from each Congressional 
District in each of the several States, be held in the City of New- 
Yokk on the First and consecutive days of June, 1845, for the pur¬ 
pose of establishing a full and complete NATIONAL POLICY upon 
which to conduct the subsequent ACTION of the great American 
Republican Party ; and until such Convention is held, it is hoped that 
no authoritative action will be taken by any part, or local branch of 
our party, upon any of the great National questions now before the 
country. It is expected and believed that an entire compliance will be 
made with this requirement, as a concert of purpose, an alliance of 
interest, and a union of strength, is indispensable to the full consum¬ 
mation of all the great objects of our party. Let the East, West 
North, and South, be heard singly, each for itself, and then will the 
East, West, North, and South, act together, each for all. Let the 
interest of every class of persons, every branch of business, and every 
section of our country, depend upon the general prosperity and wel¬ 
fare of each other. 




11 


One, among the many other objects of this party, is, to reform ail 
the numerous orders of mal-adrainistration and political mal-practicesi 
which exist in almost every department of our Federal, State, and 
Municipal Governments, and of which the people have so long art4 
loudly complained. It will be our cerlain care to abolish altogether,, 
throughout the whole country, all those unnecessary offices whose first 
cause of creation and only reason of existence, was , and is , that they 
serve as a means by which political aspirants, when elected to power, 
take money from the public purse to pay those who have most zeal¬ 
ously pandered to their elevation. 

It is the avowed intention of the American Republican Party to 
appoint honest and capable American citizens only, to the truly neces¬ 
sary offices of Government, and to administer the affairs of State with 
so strictly just and severely prudent a hand, as greatly to reduce the 
public expenditures. 

It must be the great object of our party always to select good and 
true men for all the various offices throughout the country. Let them, 
be men of strict fidelity, of sound judgment, of competent attainments, 
and of incorruptible integrity ;—men who are fresh from the people, 
unused to party service, and strangers to political corruption ; and 
especially let them be men of irreproachable moral character and 
sound political faith, being in each and in all the full and free em¬ 
bodiment of all the great measures of our party. 

Wherever this party shall obtain dominion, whether in Federal^ 
State, or local Government, especial care will be taken so to control 
and correct the sure and impartial administration of Justice as not .to 
suffer the guilty to escape, nor, in any case, to wink at those crimes 
and frauds committed in “ velvet and fine cloth, upon high places 
but, on the contrary, to inflict the same relative degree of punishment, 
and with equal certainty , upon the million-moneyed robber, 
whether under cover of incorporate privileges, or by what other mear^ 
swindles the community, robs the credulous, or beggars the widow 
and orphan, as that which is now so severely imposed upon the unfor¬ 
tunate and destitute, who, but too often, are forced to the commission <j£ 
the smallest crimes by extreme penury and want. 

Upon this great subject, the true , fearless , and impartial legislation: 
and administration of just and rightful laws, which indeed is the truest: 
basis of all good government, and the surest conservation of all well- 
ordered society, this party promises to bestow, in both the State amf. 
National Legislatures, a most thoughtful and earnest attention, and 
revise and adjust all such bills, statutes, codes, and rights of law, sscb 
not accord with the present state and condition of the American 
people; and to re-construct all such courts, of both civil and criminal 
jurisprudence, as do not now afford speedy and even-handed justice 
alike to the poor man and the rich. It is a most monstrous fad& 
with many of our courts of both Equity and Law, that Justice, b$r 


12 


legalized, intricate, and complex orders and forms of law (all of 
which must be waded through at a heavy expense), is so far removed 
from the poor man as to render it impossible for him ever to obtain 
his rights. This is a serious evil, and the more especially so for the 
reason that it is an evil affecting the worth and virtue of one of the 
most sacred and important institutions of our country—the high and 
holy umpire of human Right and Wrong. 

As far, in worth and virtue, as the great and holy character of our 
principles is above the sectional interests, local measures, and ephemera! 
policy of the belligerent political armies of the times, so far are we remov¬ 
ed from these great contending bodies ; and so far will we ever remain. 

If any among us shall ever attempt, directly or indirectly, to form 
an alliance ; connive at coalition ; enter into any compromise, or 
grants or acknowledge any concession of principles, measures, policy, 
or men, with any other political party, they shall, by virtue of this 
solemn injunction, and the sacred sense of the great American Repub¬ 
lican party, be deemed and held as traitors to our cause,and most base 
and insidious foes to the true success of our principles. 

Our devotion is to the Flag of our Nation, the Institutions of our 
Fathers, and the Glory and happiness of our People. Our motto is, 
“ Our Country !’’ and our rallying cry, “ Still our Country !” 

A thousand thanks to Heaven for the justice of our cause, and 
the success of our principles. The spirits of our fathers are among 
us,and the victory of their arms waits upon our efforts. <c Righteous 
principles will penetrate where a phalanx of bayonets cannot enter, 
and a just cause will live where ships with cannon will not float.” 

We have an army of principles in the field, moving toward the 
Thermopylce of our country, and an armada of efforts upon the wave, 
standing hard up for the Cyprus of our institutions. Our course is 
marked, and the consummation of our policy unalterably fixed. We 
have sworn never to turn to the right, and split our patty upon the 
rocks of Scy 11a, nor to the left, and wreck our cause upon the shoals of 
Charybdis. Our march is onward, with VICTORY for our goal— 
our aspirations are upward, with Excklsior for our polar star. 

The aged preside at our councils, and the young give energy to 
©ur action. The patriotic congregate around our standard, and the 
good commend us to success. What have we to fear, and how shall 
we fail ? If true to ourselves, we have nothing to fear j and if devo¬ 
ted to our cause, we can never fail. 

We earnestly embrace this opportunity of establishing cur name 
as a party, throughout the country, and the denomination by which 
ALONE we wish to he known in every State in the Union. The 
proper and legitimate name and denomination of our party is 
w AMERICAN REPUBLICAN,” and not Native American . It 
was the name adopted by the few patriot spirits who first convened 
in the city of New York, a little over a year since, and formed the 


i 



13 


embryo of our present great party. Let it not be changed . Besides, 
the term Native American is too limited, and we may add proscrip¬ 
tive, for the full embodiment of all the great objects and sentiments 
embraced within our cause. There are thousands, and we hope yet 
to see tens of thousands, in our ranks, who are not native Americans, 
because not born on the soil, but who are as good, true, and virtual 
American Republicans in principle, as any within the pale of our 
party. While policy dictates that we should be known only as Ame¬ 
rican Republicans, propriety most sternly forbids that we shall be 
know n by any other name, and least of all by the term native Ame¬ 
rican. Let us, then, throughout the whole country, recognize and 
acknowledge our name to be only that which it truly is, THE AME¬ 
RICAN REPUBLICAN PARTY. 

To all foreign-born persons who are now in the United States, we 
say, it is not our wish or intention, to deprive you of any rights or 
privileges you may have already acquired under our laws. Even 
were it our wish to do so, we have not the power; we cannot pass, 
nor cause to be passed, a retrospective law; and hence cannot take 
any action, which will in any manner affect persons of foreign birth 
who are now in the country. The great purpose of our action is for 
the future only. Let all the foreign born citizens of our country, 
coming from whatever clime, remember this gi'eat unchangeable prin¬ 
ciple of our party. 

With the past Presidential election we, as a party , have had no¬ 
thing to do. At the next election for President, however, the members 
of the American Republican Party expect to place in the Chief Exec¬ 
utive Chair of these United States, a Magistrate of their own party 
fealty and political faith—and by that time to be of sufficient strength 
and importance to control and decide all political questions, that 
may exist or arise in any State or section of our country. 

The American Republican Party was first formed in this City a 
little over one year since. We now hold the City Government, and 
have just elected three Members to Congress, one to our State Senate, 
and thirteen Members to the Assembly. One Congressman and sev¬ 
eral Members of Assembly have been elected from adjoining counties. 
Philadelphia City has also recently elected two Members to Congress, 
one to the State Senate, and a full delegation to the Assembly; so it 
will be seen that already in this infancy of our party, we have a repre¬ 
sentation (and such a one too as will do credit to our party, and jus¬ 
tice to our cause) in the great halls of our National Legislature, and 
a voice in the legislative councils of the Empire and Keystone States 
©f the Union. 

To those of our political faith and creed throughout the country, 
we say, ORGANIZE immediately. Call the people together; explain 
to them the principles of the American Republican Party. Let State 
Conventions be held, as soon as may be, in every State in the Union, 


14 


and let American Republican Associations be formed immediately, 
in every city, town, and village throughout the country. Let every 
©ther legitimate means be employed to disseminate our doctrines, 
extend our cause, and increase our strength. 

Our object at present is to publish our sentiments as generally as 
possible, so that the great Public may decide upon their worth and 
Tirtue. Already are our principles upon the winds, extending them¬ 
selves throughout the broad expanse of our common country. A large 
portion of our countrymen have caught the electric fire, and are now 
"becoming sensible of the dangers with which their sacred legacy of 
liberty is surrounded, and the hazard to which their valued boon of 
civil rights is submitted. The American People, the whole country 
©ver, are coming forth to RESCUE, from the unhallowed hand of 
strangers, and the arrogated power of foreigners, the right of creat¬ 
ing their own Rulers, and deciding their own Great Questions of 
interest and polity. 

United as a band of brothers, and strong as the armory of truth, 
the people of our land are coming from the sea-board plain, and 
mountain country—from the temperate East, and changeful West— 
from the balmy South, and clear, cold North—to congregate them¬ 
selves around the GREAT ALTAR of their common country. 

And yet it is not alone to correct the great evils complained of that 
the American People are arising in the majesty of their strength, and 
the magnitude of their numbers. The remedy of these evils, impor¬ 
tant as they may be, are but the primary objects of our action, the 
smaller causes of our revolution. 

The members of the American Republican Party have yet a 
higher and holier ultimate in view—a nobler and more important 
object to attain. We wish, entirely, TO NATIONALIZE THE 
INSTITUTIONS OF OUR LAND, AND TO IDENTIFY OUR¬ 
SELVES ALONE WITH OUR COUNTRY; to become a single , 
great people, distinct in national character, political interest , social 
and civil affinities, from all the other nations of the earth; and to 
pledge an eternal, unyielding devotion to the country of our birth , the 
altars of our fathers , and the home of our children ; to declare an 
open and uncompromising war against all invasions of our rights as a 
people, or aggressions upon our institutions as a government. 

Why should not this be so, and why shall we not become a 
mighty people, and a distinct nation from all the world beside? 
We have a climate clear and healthful as either zone can give; 
a territory extending far and wide, limited only by the boundaries 
of nature; a country covered by a soil varied and productive as 
the eastern world can boast; a land of mighty lakes, and noble 
streams, down whose speeding waters the product of nations may safely 
Hoat. We are more highly favored by a munificent Providence than 
any other nation on the earth, and the combination of industry 


15 


with Nature's provisions, will make us rich indeed. As a people we 
are distinguished in the arts, and have much credit for our knowledge 
of the sciences. Notwithstanding the youth of our nation, we have 
those among us in the various departments of knowledge, who have 
canvassed the deep depository of Truth, and given much science to the 
world, and the discovery of many arts to man. We have all the ele¬ 
ments of becoming a greater people, a mightier nation, and more en¬ 
durable government, than has ever held a place in the annals of time. 

Oh, it will be the proud and happy day-spring of our country— 
the great and glorious era of our nation’s prosperity, when the time 
arrives that shall make us truly an AMERICAN PEOPLE— 
indivisible in interest, and united in purpose. And to become so, it • 
only requires that we should be JUST to all mankind, TRUE to our¬ 
selves, and DEVOTED to the Institutions of our land; and that we 
should immediately resolve ourselves into ONE in many, and many ia. 
ONE, NOW AND FOR EVER ! 

JOHN LLOYD, President 

LORA NASH, Vice-President. 

WILLIAM L. PRALL, Secretary. 

S. H. STUART, Chairman of Com. on Address. 

New-York, January , 1815. 




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